We continue to introduce our readers to Crimean Tatar politics and politicians. The first part of this series is here, and the subsequent parts are here and here.
The World Congress of Crimean Tatars is the second most important institution (after the Qurultay-Mejlis) of the indigenous people of Crimea. And while there are objective obstacles to holding new elections for the former due to the occupation, then, in theory, Congress should have been meeting regularly.
As an organization aimed at uniting the entire Crimean Tatar community worldwide, it was established during the Ukrainian era. Since only Ukrainian citizens were eligible for election to the Qurultay and the Mejlis, there was a need for an organization where members of the diaspora (primarily those with Turkish passports) would have an equal voice alongside the Crimean Tatars on the peninsula.
The first congress was held in 2009 in Aqmescit; the second took place in 2015 in Ankara, after the occupation of Crimea. Refat Chubarov was elected chairman at both. The congress has not been convened for 11 years, even though, according to its charter, it is supposed to be convened every four years.
The Second Congress in Ankara adopted a historic resolution: “Qırımda yaşa” (live in Crimea). This principle stipulates that Crimean Tatars who are not facing a threat to their lives or freedom should remain on the peninsula and not assist the occupier in its long-standing desire to alter the ethnic makeup of Crimea.
The Congress formed an executive committee, and prior to the pandemic, this executive body frequently met in Kyiv, Henichesk, and Ankara. COVID-19 forced the executive committee’s meetings to move online, and the issue of convening the third Congress — which, according to the charter, was supposed to have taken place back in 2019 — disappeared from the agenda.
Ilmi Umerov, deputy chairman of the Mejlis, had intended to oversee the organizational work for the next Congress when the Russians handed him over to Ukraine in a prisoner exchange in 2017. However, Refat Chubarov later assumed full responsibility for organizing the third Congress. According to the Congress’s vice president, Namik Kemal Bayar, a representative of the Turkish diaspora, preparations have been underway for two years, but there are funding issues. No one is willing to disclose the budget for a single Congress at this time.
In 2015, the election for chairperson was held on an alternative basis. Arslan Omer Qırımlı, deputy chairperson of the Mejlis (and older brother of Rustem Umerov, head of the Ukrainian Foreign Intelligence Service), ran for president but lost to Refat Chubarov. The election of the Mejlis chairman as president of the Congress remains controversial, as the charter of the Crimean Tatars’ representative body stipulates that the Mejlis chairman and his first deputy may not hold other leadership positions. However — as already noted in previous articles on Crimean political institutions — the number of exceptions has long since reached a critical mass. Consequently, most decisions are made in accordance with Crimean Tatar political customs rather than with the written rules and regulations.
Currently, Refat Chubarov heads the two largest and indispensable Crimean Tatar organizations, but their viability depends on the availability of resources. At present, only the leader of the Crimean Tatar people, Mustafa Cemilev, is capable of providing such resources; presidents, ministers, and oligarchs in Ukraine and Turkey respond to his calls.
The entire Crimean Tatar self-governance system is managed from a single center, but this central control is gradually becoming an illusion. Stagnant structures are losing touch with the people living under occupation, with the active segment of the Crimeans — who are unable to influence the work of these structures — and even within the structures themselves, discontent is brewing among those who consider their own role in the work of national structures to be invaluable and accuse the aksakals of wanting to remain in their positions for life.